When future historians analyze and categorize Donald Trump by era, it is likely they will highlight “the Elon Musk era.” As is common in history, eras rarely end as cleanly, publicly, and violently as the Trump-Musk friendship concluded last Thursday, which intertwined the destinies of the President of the United States and the world’s richest man. In just a few hours and a few messages on their respective social media platforms (Truth Social and X), their relationship ended before a global audience, less than a year after it was made official.
The dispute leading to their split was over a Republican tax proposal — the “big, beautiful bill,” as Trump, its primary proponent, has called it. Currently under discussion on Capitol Hill, it is central to the president’s legislative agenda, proposing tax and healthcare cuts for nearly 11 million people and an expected public deficit increase of $2.4 trillion, according to official estimates. Musk deemed it “a disgusting abomination,” as he made clear last Tuesday on X. This stance is understandable, given that until recently, Trump had tasked Musk with the opposite: optimizing U.S. government functions as head of the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), a role from which he resigned after reaching the legal limit of 130 days as a government employee.
Musk’s statements prompted Trump to express he was “surprised and very disappointed” during a meeting with the new German chancellor, Friedrich Merz. This ignited a heated argument between the two, featuring threats and personal insults.
According to a text message sent last Friday by hotelier Raheem Kassam, a Steve Bannon ally and influential figure in the MAGA world in Washington, the breakup signifies “total war.” “There is no possibility of reconciliation,” he added, despite media reports on Saturday about attempts by both magnates’ associates to mend fences or at least ease tensions. Kassam, who like Bannon has previously expressed reservations regarding Musk’s influence on global conservatism, believes Musk’s exit is “BIG NEWS” (his emphasis) for American conservatism.
The narrative of how the head of Tesla and SpaceX, among other ventures, transitioned from tweeting his affection for Trump “as much as a straight man can love another man” (February 7, 2025) to unfoundedly linking him with the pedophile Jeffrey Epstein (June 5), can be framed as an extravagant tragedy in three acts and an unfinished epilogue.
Trump and Musk are 35 years apart in age, representing different versions of the quintessential American billionaire politician: the former’s wealth is rooted in nepotism and real estate, while the latter, born in South Africa and a U.S. citizen for just over a decade, is based on intangibles such as technology (Starlink), space exploration (SpaceX), a fossil-fuel-free future (Tesla), and controlling public discourse (X).
As a longtime Silicon Valley resident, Musk was often more focused on his visionary pursuits than on politics. He exhibited a progressive stance on social issues while embracing a libertarian philosophy that disdained government interference.
The unlikely duo first met in 2017, and sparks didn’t necessarily fly right away. It was during a meeting Trump held with tech entrepreneurs right after he won an election in which Musk voted for Hillary Clinton but before Trump took office. After this meeting, they communicated separately. Musk, according to his authorized biographer Walter Isaacson, didn’t appreciate that the president-elect told him a friend had given him a Tesla, which he hadn’t yet driven (perhaps not realizing that Trump, as a son of a real estate mogul, grew up in a chauffeur-driven car). Musk’s subsequent comments about revitalizing NASA “threw him even further,” Isaacson writes. “He seems a little crazy,” Musk remarked about Trump after their meeting, “but maybe that’s not so bad.”
Elsewhere, Isaacson recounts an even more disastrous meeting with the future White House occupant, Joe Biden, during Biden’s tenure as Obama’s vice president. Musk found him “tremendously boring,” which didn’t stop him from leaning toward voting for him in 2020 (even though he ultimately abstained).
The “disdain” Musk felt when the Biden White House hosted an electric vehicle event without inviting Tesla, alongside the Democrats’ management of the pandemic — during which time Musk ascended to become the richest man in the world — prompted a transformation akin to many other Silicon Valley figures.
In Musk’s case, this shift led to his acquisition of Twitter in October 2022, a platform he decimated before reconstituting it without past moderation policies. Embracing his new role as an “absolutist advocate of free speech,” he reinstated Trump’s account, which had been suspended following the Capitol assault. Changes to the algorithm ended up favoring the extremist rhetoric of the MAGA movement, ultimately facilitating the former president’s return to the White House.
Back then, there seemed little reason to anticipate such a return. Trump was at a low point after the Republicans’ losses in the midterm elections. Musk, who initially backed Florida Governor Ron DeSantis, was sliding into “the rabbit hole of conspiracy theories,” borrowing a phrase from essayist Naomi Klein (via Lewis Carroll), only to discover a MAGA influence sphere where he felt at home, but which is now poised to turn against him.
Musk voted Republican for the first time in the Texas midterm elections. As DeSantis faded, he grew closer to Trump, aided by another Silicon Valley tycoon and far-right figure, Peter Thiel. Ultimately, he fully endorsed the Republican candidate on July 13, 2024, following an assassination attempt on Trump at a rally in Butler, Pennsylvania.
“Elon approached Trump driven by two of his primary interests: power and data,” explains Chuck Collins, a researcher at the Institute for Policy Studies, who specializes in inequality and closely analyzes the South African-born magnate’s motivations, in a phone interview. “At the helm of DOGE, he could fulfill his dream of accessing a vast amount of information on Americans for his business dealings and gain an advantage in the artificial intelligence race. In terms of power, I think he aims to own the country, its skies, and its communication networks. I also believe they developed a genuine friendship along the way.”
Musk contributed a record amount to Trump’s campaign: over $260 million. On October 5, he took action at a Trump rally, also in Butler, where the hallmarks of the new Musk, the “dark MAGA,” were evident: an outfit he favored (a black blazer, T-shirt, pants, and Trump cap); apocalyptic rhetoric; and extravagant displays of enthusiasm — shouting, jumping, flexing biceps, and even what appeared to be Nazi salutes. An investigation by The New York Times, which Musk and his team denied, suggested part of the rationale for all this: the businessman’s drug use — he has publicly acknowledged using ketamine to combat depression — intensified, raising alarms for the Trump campaign.
In Pennsylvania, one of the seven swing states, Musk launched a personal campaign, distributing million-dollar checks to motivate voters. He became inseparable from Trump, essentially moving into the hotel at the Republican’s private Mar-a-Lago residence, risking real neglect of his businesses.
A week after Trump’s election victory, he declared on his X account that he was “happy to be the first buddy” of a politician known for his first lady’s extended absences. A few days earlier, Kai, the president-elect’s granddaughter, shared a photo with the tycoon captioned: “Elon achieving uncle status.”
By September, the candidate had already assigned Musk the mission of “a drastic overhaul” of the administration. During the weeks of the presidential transition, Musk’s influence in the MAGA world grew to overshadow Trump. Just before Christmas, a single round of calls to Republican congressmen was sufficient to bring the government to the brink of shutdown due to his opposition to a temporary funding bill.
At that time, he seemed invincible and even immune to criticism from Bannon, Trump’s closest advisor. Trump’s pride, usually reluctant to share the spotlight, didn’t appear affected by insinuations that Musk was undermining his authority. Like many romantic relationships, they tried to navigate their differences. Thankfully, due to Musk’s foreign birth, he is legally barred from presidential candidacy.
Musk arrived at the White House with the intent of sending humans to Mars (making humanity an interplanetary species, alongside unrestrained procreation, is one of his obsessions) and convinced that Americans would laud him as a hero for leaving behind his cushy life as the richest man in the world to enact essential government reforms as part of the DOGE. He assembled a team of young aides and set to work.
He dismantled several federal agencies, inflicted incalculable global harm by cutting USAID development assistance, and forced the dismissal of thousands of civil servants. This prompted a wave of vandalism against Tesla vehicles and dealerships, protests targeting Musk, millions in losses for his companies, and investor frustration with his political commitments. Meanwhile, Trump offered him the Lincoln Bedroom at the White House for overnight stays and treated him, as Musk claims, to unlimited ice cream, appearing with him and his ally’s son in the Oval Office, and defended him by transforming the presidential residence’s gardens into an unprecedented advertisement for Tesla vehicles.
The first signs of strain in their relationship surfaced amid public and private confrontations with Trump’s cabinet members. The issues arose from the unpopularity of his budget cuts and the aggressive and unpredictable America First tariff policy, with which Musk, the entrepreneur, couldn’t align. By late April, as losses jeopardized his standing at Tesla, he informed Trump that he needed some time off. He then began to gradually dissociate from Washington, a place he initially believed would be easier to influence.
On May 30, Trump honored him with a farewell in the Oval Office, a site of many happy memories, despite Musk’s criticism of the “big, beautiful bill” just days earlier. At that event, where Musk appeared with a black eye (despite Trump’s later claim he tried to mask it with makeup), Musk promised he would remain “a friend and collaborator” to the president.
When the cameras were off, Trump expressed his discomfort over Musk’s pick for NASA management, Jared Isaacman, who had a history of Democratic donations. The following day, Trump rescinded that nomination, which, according to The New York Times, was “a humiliation” for Musk, whose company has a strong interest in determining who governs its primary client, NASA.
Musk then spent the weekend in Montana at a technology leaders meeting, returning eager to continue criticizing the tax bill. On Thursday, while Trump was speaking at the White House, Musk decided to stir the pot publicly, ending his tirade by accusing Trump of being ungrateful for not acknowledging the support he provided for his presidency and predicting that the tariffs would plunge the country into recession before the year’s end. Tesla’s shares plummeted 14%, costing Musk $34 billion.
The eruption of egos was followed on Friday by an unusual calm and assessment of damages: who stands to lose the most? Musk risks billions in federal contracts and scrutiny over his companies and immigration status; if Trump 2.0 has shown anything, it’s a thirst for vengeance. This might also affect the potential loss of loyal supporters, as Musk has over 220 million followers on X, a platform whose algorithm could be leveraged to undermine the president. Also at stake is Musk’s funding commitment to Republican candidates ahead of the midterm elections in 2026.
“That someone like Musk has dared to confront the big boss can serve as a model for those who oppose his dominance in the Republican Party but hesitate to voice their concerns,” Collins asserts. For the inequality expert, Thursday’s spat and the tax bill critique represent symptoms of “many fractures emerging in the coalition that brought Trump to power.” “There are also fractures among the oligarchic class aligning with his administration due to tariffs and economic instability, and they are likely to widen if this tax reform succeeds. Among them, you have the disruptors, who seek immediate profits, and those who desire a functioning system for long-term gains.”
On Friday, Trump sent messages to Musk through intermediaries, the traditional media outlets he loathes. He also signaled he had moved on, claiming he was “no longer thinking about Elon.” On Truth Social, he focused on other topics, such as his plans to remodel the White House ballroom. Musk, for his part, managed to stay unusually quiet on X, using the platform far less than usual.
“Trump is the king of MAGA emotions. Musk is the king of MAGA infrastructure, and they need each other,” warns Eric Schiffer, a brand and reputation strategist and tech investor, in a phone call from Los Angeles. He views this squabble like a professional wrestling match, a sort of spectacle that ends “with a handshake.” “The first poll [by YouGov, conducted that same Friday] indicates that 48% are hopeful for a reconciliation,” Schiffer notes. “I believe it can only happen if someone facilitates the bridge between them. For instance, [White House crypto advisor] David Sacks. For that to be feasible, things would need to settle down first.”
Interestingly, Collins also likens their situation to mixed martial arts. “Let’s not forget that these two thrive on conflict,” he remarks, recalling that this type of combat sport, more violent than wrestling, was one of the shared passions Musk and Trump had while their friendship developed. They frequently attended fights together. Last Saturday, Trump watched another match, where Sean O’Malley sought vengeance against Merab Dvalishvili in Newark. This time, Trump was alone, without his “first buddy.”
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